Audio Software icon An illustration of a 3. Software Images icon An illustration of two photographs. Images Donate icon An illustration of a heart shape Donate Ellipses icon An illustration of text ellipses. Race and ethnic relations : American and global perspectives Item Preview.
EMBED for wordpress. Simpson; the publication of The Bell Curve; and the continuing attacks on Affirmative Action have all affected the ways in which race and the surrounding issues of racism and identity have been reported in the media and studied in the classroom. The Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations covers a range of national and international topics which have been written by a distinguished group of experts on race and ethnicity. The reader will find new articles covering recent events, historical and theoretical perspectives and important figures.
Over half of the book has been revised or rewritten and all of the articles include fully-updated lists of further reading. Find Full eBook. The buffer for each full letter grade is 50 points. Your continued enrollment means that you understand and accept this grading policy.
The memos should be no less than one page in length. Pretty much, what I want you to do is summarize the reading and highlight the major issues raised by the reading. If it appears that you may need to miss your day, it is expected that you will notify me no later than 8am by e-mail.
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Every thread will start at 8 points and work up from there based on how much interest it garners. Yes, that means you should make your contribution worth our while. C Town Meetings points : On eight Fridays, we will hold a mock town meeting about an issue. You will be responsible to serve as a panelist in one of the meetings. We will evaluate you in two ways. Fifty percent of the grade will be based on the persuasiveness of your arguments and your level of preparedness.
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Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Jay Coakley. A short summary of this paper. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. Dubois These words, written in as Dubois prepared for the first Pan African Congress in London, predated a similarly prophetic statement in the forward of his classic book, The Souls of Black Folk For six decades Dubois used sociological theory and methods to study race and racial relations in the United States, producing numerous books and hundreds of insightful essays.
However, it wasn't until when Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal wrote An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy that the topic of race attracted concerted attention from sociologists and other scholars in the United States.
When the sociology of sport emerged as a sub-discipline in the fields of sociology and physical education during the s, race and racial relations attracted immediate attention from scholars and social activists. Two scholarly publications in the early s focused on the sociological dynamics underlying the desegregation of professional baseball Broom and Selznick, ; Blalock, , but the most provocative discussions of race and sport were published in the late s and early s by sociologist-activist Harry Edwards, an organizer ofthe boycott by black U.
Edwards' book, The Revolt of the Black Athlete, published in , clearly described the exclusion and exploitation of blacks in sports and challenged popular assumptions that sports were free of racism and provided African Americans with opportunities for upward social mobility and social acceptance in society at large. Edwards' work was complimented by the writing of other scholar-activists Scott, ; Hoch, and developed further in his Sociology ofSport , the first textbook in the field.
Edwards also was the most visible sociologist to critique a widely-read article in Sports Illustrated, a major weekly sport magazine, in which a sportswriter Kane, argued that blacks were physiologically superior to whites and that the success of blacks in certain sports was due their natural abilities as athletes. This research focused on a combination of topics, including entry barriers faced by black athletes, patterns of racial stacking in which black athletes were over- or under-represented in particular positions on sport teams, and the exclusion of blacks and other ethnic minorities from positions of off-the-field leadership, such as coaching and management, in sport organizations.
These patterns, when observed by many whites who viewed the world in racialized terms, generally reinforced the racist ideology that created them. In this sense, the initial desegregation of sports reaffirmed racist notions about the physical superiority and intellectual inferiority of blacks relative to whites.
Among whites in the United States during the s and s it was widely believed that blacks excelled in sports and team positions that demanded power and speed at the same time that inferior intellectual abilities prevented them from assuming leadership positions on the field and in coaching and management positions off the field.
The success of white athletes, on the other hand, was explained in terms of character, hard work, intelligence, well planned strategies, and superior organizational skills.
Entry Barriers. Research done between the late s and early s indicated that blacks were recruited only into certain sports. For example, when Jackie Robinson broke the color line in major league baseball by signing a contract with the Brooklyn Dodgers in , baseball was the most financially profitable team sport in the United States.
Branch Rickey, the man who signed Robinson to a contract, convinced his fellow owners, all of whom were white, that Robinson would increase gate receipts and help the Dodgers win more games. Although owners of others teams initially objected to desegregation, they changed their minds as it became clear that Robinson attracted both white and black spectators to games and increased profits for all teams.
As the white owners in baseball and other major revenue producing sports in the United States slowly desegregated, they recruited only black athletes with exceptional physical skills. The existence of a selection bias in professional sport was first noted by Rosenblatt in his study of major league baseball.
Using performance data from through he found that black players outperformed white players during every season. His findings were supported by others who studied baseball Pascal and Rapping, ; Eitzen and Yetman, ; Lapchick, , football at the college and professional levels Scully, ; Tolbert, , and basketball on both the intercollegiate and professional levels Yetman and Eitzen, ; Lapchick, In sports where there were no economic incentives for whites to permit or promote desegregation, it did not occur, or it occurred very slowly in limited situations.
In sports where athletes learned skills and played in social settings, such as the club sports of golf and tennis, there was strong resistance to desegregation. This was due to whites who wanted to maintain social distance from blacks and feared social and possible sexual contact between black men and white women. I See Coakley, for a complete documentation ofthls research. Anecdotal information published in the print media during these years also suggested that there were informal racial quotas that restricted the number of blacks on any given team.
White team owners, managers, and coaches, it was hypothesized, feared that attendance might decline if the proportion of black players on a team surpassed what white spectators defined as appropriate. This was consistent with Blalock's theory of race relations in which he noted that such quotes would be set at the point where blacks can no longer make it profitable for team owners and administrators to treat them in nondiscriminatory terms.
Racial "Stacking" Through the s the most popular research topic in the sociology of sport was racial stacking. Using team photos and public information about players, Loy and McElvogue identified the race of all players on the starting rosters of major league baseball and professional football teams for the and seasons, respectively.
They analyzed their data in light of Oscar Grusky's theory of formal organizations. Grusky theorized that individuals who occupied centrally located positions in an organizational structure were more likely than those who occupied non-central positions to 1 engage in frequent interaction with others in the organization, and 2 be involved in interdependent tasks requiring interpersonal cooperation and coordination. Therefore, Loy and McElvogue hypothesized that racial segregation on a sport team would be positively related to the centrality of positions in the organizational structure of the team.
The patterns in baseball and football strongly supported their hypothesis: blacks rarely played central positions and they were heavily overrepresented in the non-central positions; at the same time, whites rarely played non-central positions and were heavily overrepresented in central positions. Loy and McElvogue suggested that these patterns could be explained by a combination of two factors: 1 a desire on the part of white players and team management to maintain a form of organizational segregation that preserved social distance between whites and blacks on teams, and 2 beliefs on the part of management that blacks were less able than whites to successfully play positions that required interpersonal coordination and decision-making.
This form of position segregation within teams was relatively easy to study because it involved counting and classifying athletes by race and position. Consequently, there were numerous studies of stacking in a wide range of men's and a few women's team sports see Coakley, and Smith and Leonard, for a full list of references to this research.
Although the pattern of racial stacking in certain U. Scholars from different disciplines offered a range of biological, psychological, economic, and sociological explanations of stacking Coakley, Although research in sociology and psychology suggested that the patterns were due to the use of racial stereotypes by coaches and other administrators who make player personnel decisions, the data never led to any widely accepted theory.
During the s it became clear that desegregation on the playing field did not mean that blacks would have access to positions in the power structures of sport organizations. The popular press occasionally published stories about this issue and presented data documenting the absence of black coaches, general managers, and top administrators.
It was not until the mids that systematic data on this phenomenon was published in a source that was widely accessible to scholars in the sociology of sport. The center began to present data on the racial makeup of sport management, and in published its first annual Racial Report Card, a comprehensive statistical description of race in the hiring practices of the National Basketball Association, the National Football League, and Major League Baseball.
Lapchick's national reputation and personal connections with former and current African American players in professional sports, led this document to receive nationwide media coverage; it also served to publicize continuing patterns of racial exclusion in sports and to put sport organizations on notice for their racialized personnel practices.
None of these data were used to generate and test theories of race relations, but they inspired speculation among many people, including those of us in the sociology of sport, about various explanations of this form of racial exclusion. These speculations have continued as data have been published annually since However, by the late s it was apparent that this research added little to a critical theoretical understanding of race as a cultural construction, as a structure of power relations, as identity, and as a category of experience influenced by the material conditions of everyday life in a capitalist society.
This was clearly pointed out in an influential essay written by Susan Birrell and published in the Sociology ofSport Journal in Birrell noted the following as she addressed colleagues in the field: We continue to produce studies on centrality and stacking, not because of their theoretical significance but because the data are there.
Twenty years ago such studies provided major insight into stratification by race, and it is startling to know that such patterns persist today, but there is no theoretical news in this tradition.
We need to move to more powerful questions. A more profound approach is to conceive of race as a culturally produced marker ofa particular relationship ofpower, to see racial identity as contested, and to ask how racial relations are produced and reproduced through sport Birrell's critique was part of an overall "cultural tum" in sociology and an emphasis on exploring the dynamics of cultural formation and the connections between culture and structure.
Additionally, one of her observations was that research in the sociology of sport focused almost exclusively on the impact of racial discrimination on the participation of black males in sports; absent was research on a the experiences of women from ethnic minority backgrounds; b the intersections of race, gender, and class; and c ethnic dynamics apart from issues of race.
Since Birrell's critique, some scholars in the sociology of sport have continued to statistically document differential treatment and stratification related to race and ethnicity, but others have focused research attention on race and ethnicity as they are related to processes of cultural formation, power relations, identity politics, and the meanings given to sport-related phenomena and experiences.
The research that has been done since is diverse, but it generally falls into three main categories. First, there are studies focusing on racial and ethnic differences and the existence of differential treatment and discrimination. These are mostly atheoretical but they document continuing manifestations of racism in U.
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